For many citizens across Serbia, the political image of Aleksandar Vučić came crashing down alongside a slab of concrete at the Novi Sad railway station. Facing unprecedented, student-nominated opposition in a political landscape he has dominated for well over a decade, the former president now confronts the most formidable threat to his grip on power.
For Serbians, Sunday’s parliamentary elections will feel like a profound novelty. It might be the country’s seventh such national vote since 2012, but for the first time in 14 years, the final result will not be easily predictable before the ballots are cast.
Aleksandar Vučić is facing a radically unfamiliar political challenge. None of the elections held since his Serbian Progressive Party (SNS) first entered government have featured a credible, unified alternative proposition for voters. Whether serving in the office of the president or as prime minister, Vučić has been the undisputed man in charge. He has centralized political authority to such an extent, taking control of myriad aspects of government administration, that critics mockingly dubbed him “Superman.” Meanwhile, the network of Vučić-friendly media outlets enthusiastically embraced the label, portraying him day and night as the tireless, sleepless protector of the Serbian people.
This time, however, the dynamic has shifted dramatically. Most mainstream opposition parties have deliberately stepped aside to allow a clear, unobstructed run for the Student List, a dynamic grassroots anti-corruption movement fielding candidates to run directly against the political machinery of the former president. Displaying a strategic wisdom well beyond their years, the student organizers have wisely chosen not to put themselves forward as a potential governing cabinet. Instead, they have nominated a slate of uncontroversial academics and athletes, alongside a respected group of economists and engineers, aiming to transcend traditional political divisions.
Prominent heart surgeon Ilija Srdanović stands at the very top of this candidate list. Should the Student List achieve a historic victory on Sunday, Srdanović is widely seen as the most likely candidate to step forward as prime minister. On the demanding campaign trail, Srdanović has proven himself to be a remarkably poised figure, combining a sharp wardrobe with a quick and disarming wit. Yet, much like the rest of the candidates on the Student List, he possesses no prior political experience or background in partisan maneuvering.
The movement’s leadership insists that this lack of political pedigree is a definitive strength rather than a vulnerability. Comprising individuals from a wide variety of respected professional backgrounds, the student-approved candidates are—crucially—completely untainted by the lingering suspicions of corruption, nepotism, and entrenched cronyism that have long clung to much of Serbia’s traditional political class.
However, the unprecedented nature of the opposition is not the only monumental obstacle that Vučić must navigate in this election cycle. His ultimate political kryptonite is arguably the tragic event that originally catalyzed the student-led protests. Sixteen innocent people lost their lives in November 2024 when a massive concrete canopy suddenly collapsed at the railway station in Novi Sad, Serbia’s second-largest city. This catastrophic failure did not occur within a crumbling, neglected piece of ex-Yugoslav architecture, but rather within a key centerpiece of Vučić’s own signature infrastructure modernization project: the high-speed railway designed to seamlessly link Belgrade to Budapest.
Trying to distance himself and his administration from the disaster was always going to be an uphill battle for the veteran leader. Just two years prior to the tragedy, Vučić had held a high-profile political rally at the grand re-opening of the very same facility, appearing side-by-side with Hungary’s Prime Minister, Viktor Orbán. Standing atop the station canopy for the cameras, the central message delivered through their speeches was unmistakable: the ambitious railway project was meant to transport the entire country directly into a prosperous future, and voters could trust Vučić to be the reliable man behind the wheel.
Above all else, this meticulous projection of hands-on competence and modernization has been the absolute cornerstone of Vučić’s enduring electoral success over the years. While political detractors and international election monitors have repeatedly and correctly highlighted the SNS’s overwhelming dominance over mainstream media coverage and its utilization of state administrative resources to artificially boost its vote share, a significant proportion of Serbia’s electorate simply liked the cut of Vučić’s jib. As long as they perceived him as a strong, decisive leader who was steadily making daily life better across Serbia, they were consistently willing to look the other way when confronted with persistent allegations of democratic backsliding and authoritarian tendencies.
The Novi Sad disaster, however, fundamentally shattered that carefully curated illusion, significantly denting Vučić’s public perception and shaking the faith of even some of his traditional supporters. Now, the central question looming over the nation is whether the Student List will finally be able to capitalize on the former leader’s newly tainted image in a way that other fractured opposition movements failed to do in past cycles. In response to the mounting pressure, Vučić has strategically resigned from his role as president, allowing himself to lead the SNS’s candidate list for prime minister directly. In essence, he is betting his entire political future on the hope that enough of his enduring “Superman” aura remains intact to carry him through the storm.
